Sarah
For years, social media has served as the catalyst for social and political movements around the world. In 2020, the Black Lives Matter movement gained traction via the spread of Twitter hashtags, Instagram posts, informative TikTok videos, and much more. The strength of the movement can be attributed to the immense social media discourse that was promoted, even though many people were constrained within their own homes due to COVID-19. There was an increased reliance on digital platforms to promote social change, and now in 2023, online sites are at the core of mobilization and movements.
But why is there an issue with maintaining the longevity of such movements?
It is difficult to truly understand the depth and power digital platforms have in creating significant political and social change without acknowledging the intersection between activism and technology. Zeynep Tufekci ventures into the components of social media and the networked public in “Twitter and tear gas: the power and fragility of networked protest”, providing insight into how much power online platforms have, both negatively and positively.
Mass global and national uprisings exposed the world to a new perspective of online platforms, one which led to the development and execution of mobilization. In the Introduction of her book, Tufecki presents readers with the cultural and political roots of networked protests based on social media activity. Using the Arab Spring, specifically the protests in Cairo, as an example of the momentum political movements have when spearheaded through digital technology, the author forces us to draw connections between the network within social media and the network of a singular person. Despite referencing the positive impact of digital networking on physical mobilization to ignite political movements, she also introduces the repercussions uprisings and their organizers face when protests gain immense traction.
Tufecki draws on the combination of people who are considered “’weak ties’ – people we do not know well …[and] ‘strong ties – family and close friends’” (xxvi). The interweaving of the two communities is targeted via social media, as platforms often include both weak and strong connections. When reflecting on the history of protest mobilization, the spread of information is credited to the strength of a person’s network. With the implementation of social media, networks expand beyond the “strong and weak tie” categories. Information is spread amongst a greater audience of mutual connections, followers, and general platform users. The networked public sphere encompasses digital technology and the human network, allowing for an efficient form of mobilization.
“The Networked Public” delves deeper into the components of the relationship between an individual and social media. Tufecki alludes to life before digital technologies, explaining that the spread of information was restricted to regional and cultural barriers. Widespread news was passed on to those who had the right resources (i.e. newspaper and radio access). Social media allowed for the “common folk” to engage in communicating information to an audience. Yet, the relationship between social media, the individual, and the public sphere is far more complex. The individual strives to make connections with those with similar values and interests. This desire expands their network beyond the “strong and weak tie” categories, and the digital space allows them to do so.
The infrastructure of social media is built around the human need to increase their online connectivity. Platforms enable the sharing of profiles, public search options, and open forums to allow a user to find and connect with others beyond their close circle. And how does this relate to social movements? Tufecki notes that activists use these affordances of social media to mobilize groups of people to create a significant impact. For example, Instagram users can share public posts on their own accounts, which allows their followers to see the information and spread it amongst their audience.
In the case of the Arab Spring, social media users and bloggers were able to combat the acts of digital oppression implemented by the government to spread information and news to civilians. The digital savviness of activists empowers the mobilization of the greater public, thus creating powerful social movements and change. Individuals could be a part of powerful political and social revolutions with just a click of a button.
Despite appreciating social media’s impact on social uprisings, Tufecki also mentions the challenges of digital movements. She touches on the increase of government censorship on online platforms in hopes of suppressing mobilization, lack of traction of movements, and the safety of the individual at the core of the events. Digital platforms are built in a way that promotes openness, yet there are caveats within the infrastructure that promote the offline struggles of activists.
Tufecki credits social media networking as a catalyst for political and social resistance and the source of organizational collapse. The author urges readers to understand the potential implications online platforms have in the trajectory of social and political movements. At the core of marches and mass protests, there tends to be a lack of organizational strength, thus making it harder to sustain movements over a long period. Social media perpetuates the rapid spread of information by individual users. Tufecki argues that, although the power of the networked individual is beneficial in the organization of social movements, the lack of central leadership leads to challenges in making crucial decisions and maintaining focus.
The physical reality of movements stemming from digital platforms often differs from what is advertised and said online, creating a new perspective on the efficacy of online mobilization. By bringing up the positive and negative aspects of digital spaces and social movements, Tufecki implores us to understand the limitations and opportunities social media offers to promote systemic change.